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Despite her private worries about the probability of winning ratification in Tennessee, Catt brings pressure to bear on all the decision-makers involved in the process:
Now was that time, to crank her political pressure machine—a multitiered engine designed to exert force downward from the White House, the presidential candidates, and national parties and upward from the people of Tennessee—all energies focused on squeezing the governor and men of the statehouse (142).
Catt deploys a ground team to track down representatives from far-flung regions to get them to sign a pledge to vote for ratification. At the same time, she tackles the business community by addressing its leaders. Her speeches point out the logical and practical reasons why it is in Tennessee’s best interests to support the amendment.
Since Catt knows that politicians want to align themselves with the winning side, she issues a press release announcing that ratification is certain in Tennessee. The Suffs have collected more than enough pledges to guarantee a positive outcome. Although her statistics don’t quite back up that claim, and her announcement is a tad premature, Catt is an optimist.
The reaction of NWP to Catt’s announcement is anything but joyous. They fear that her premature claims of victory will short-circuit their own attempts to apply pressure to hesitant Tennessee politicians. Sue White organizes a street team to conduct polls and assess the true state of affairs. She logs over 1600 miles in ten days between Ohio and the far reaches of Tennessee.
Desperate times call for desperate measures as White recalls her initial NWP baptism by fire. Although still nominally a NAWSA member, White agrees to help burn Woodrow Wilson in effigy in front of the White House gates to call attention to his hypocrisy: The President is busy making speeches in post-war Europe about the importance of liberty for all citizens while the women of his own country still lack the vote. White is jailed for her part in the protest and later receives a prison pin from Alice Paul to commemorate her sacrifice. The protest gets White ejected from NAWSA entirely. Now fully committed to NWP, White wages her own battle for ratification in Tennessee, while feeling undermined by Catt’s victory announcement.
Assisting White in her Tennessee campaign for NWP is Anita Pollitzer, the daughter of a wealthy Jewish cotton merchant from Charleston: “Pollitzer loved the work: it was like being a soldier, spy, and agitator all rolled into one. Her job was to find things out and shake things up” (163). Pollitzer interviews sympathetic Republican state legislators about their colleagues’ weaknesses to learn how to best persuade them to back the amendment. Like White, Pollitzer is dismayed by Catt’s press release.
In the ten days leading up to the Tennessee primary, players on both sides of the ratification issue ramp up their campaigns: “This was the fieldwork of democracy, the tough, sweaty, unglamorous enterprise of retail politics. Before the advent of radio or television broadcasting, this was how candidates won elections” (165).
NAWSA and NWP send their emissaries to all parts of the state to canvass politicians and get them to sign a pro-ratification pledge. However, resolve has begun to weaken even among legislators who had previously agreed to help. The Antis have raised the specious concern that voting in favor of the amendment would leave politicians open to the charge of violating their state oath of office since the Tennessee constitution makes no provision for a woman’s vote. Even though Suff legal teams refute this claim, legislators remain nervous about their political futures.
The Antis also play on the racist fears of the region by opening a museum displaying documents and photos of black leaders supporting women’s suffrage. They even warn of national Force Bills that might penalize the South for failure to comply with the amendment if it became law.
No side’s efforts seem at all certain to succeed:
As all the Suffs, Antis, and politicos sprinted around the state, they warily watched the calendar and eyed the clock. […] And despite all the frenetic activity, ratification remained totally unpredictable; as the days passed, the uncertainties seemed only to multiply (184).
A few days before the Tennessee primary elections, Catt suffers what appears to be a heart attack but turns out to be angina. She has been working at a breakneck pace and must take a break while assigning some of her speaking engagements to surrogates. Sue White and NWP, stretched thin for resources and cash, plead with Alice Paul to send more of both. The Suffs and Antis continue to besiege presidential candidates Harding and Cox to take a stand on ratification in Tennessee, but both politicians sidestep the issue.
When Catt does return to the podium, she accuses the Antis of importing New York lawyers to form their Constitutional League, hoping to appeal to her audience’s mistrust of outsiders by accusing the Antis of underhandedness: “Their way is to put a few publicity-seeking women in the limelight, while they themselves work in stealth” (189). The Constitutional League has frightened Tennessee legislators into believing that they are violating their state oaths of office by voting in favor of the national amendment. The Antis retort that Catt herself isn’t a Southerner and that she aligns with the abolitionist cause.
After a week filled with drama, accusations, and counter-charges, the Tennessee primary is finally held on August 5. When Roberts wins the nomination for governor, he does what no one expects. He immediately calls for the General Assembly to meet on August 9 to vote on the Nineteenth Amendment.
Legislators from all parts of Tennessee converge on Nashville for the special session. Upon arrival, they are greeted by Antis eager to pin red roses to the policymakers’ lapels, while Suffs present them with yellow roses:
They stormed into Nashville aboard steaming trains, riding the iron horses that had made the city great […] the legislators and lobbyists, politicians and partisans, correspondents and conspirators—all the participants in what the newspapers were already calling ‘the Tennessee War of the Roses’ (198).
On Sunday morning, Governor Roberts calls a strategy session with his aides. He is intent on forcing the amendment to pass at all costs. His plan is immediately upset when Speaker of the House Seth Walker unexpectedly announces that he won’t support the amendment, acceding to the demands of railroad industry lobbyists. Roberts had been counting on Walker, a key ally, to introduce the bill in the House and push it through to the Senate. After receiving the news of Walker’s defection, Roberts immediately requests additional support from James Cox, the Democratic presidential nominee, threatening that the amendment is sure to fail otherwise.
Meanwhile, the Suffs are hearing disturbing news that men who pledged to support the amendment are reneging on their promises. Rumors are flying that someone has gotten to Walker, heretofore the Suffs’ biggest supporter in the House. They also learn that the Antis are hosting a hospitality suite on the eighth floor of the Hotel Hermitage, plying amenable legislators with free whiskey and bourbon, despite Prohibition.
This set of chapters focuses primarily on the battle tactics employed by the various participants in the struggle for ratification, comparing the willingness of each party to stoop to subterfuge and dirty tricks. Catt, as an experienced general, uses a multipronged strategy she’s employed many times in the past. She exerts political pressure on the White House and carries that pressure all the way down to local politicians. Her team gets Tennessee legislators to sign pledges indicating their support for the amendment. Catt also recognizes the value of shaping lay opinion. After making several speeches to engage the populace, she issues a press release declaring that success is assured.
Sue White is less inclined to follow Catt’s polite strategy of carefully applied political pressure. White’s initial alliance with NWP involved burning Woodrow Wilson in effigy, an indicator of their willingness to engage in dramatic action. While her group also gets Tennessee politicians to sign pro-ratification pledges, White deploys spies to ferret out personal weaknesses that could be used to leverage votes.
The Antis fight as dirty as possible. They import New York lawyers to fabricate a legal crisis over the state oath of office. Many Tennessee legislators are simple grassroots farmers who don’t understand the law well enough to know that they are in no danger of violating their oaths. Instead, they are intimidated into joining the Anti camp. The Antis also lure susceptible members of the assembly to a hospitality suite at the Hotel Hermitage in violation of Prohibition.
The most ridiculous example of suffrage combat is the “War of the Roses” involving red roses for Antis and yellow roses for Suffs. Women from both factions chase legislators and try to pin roses to their lapels.
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