59 pages 1 hour read

Black Birds in the Sky: The Story and Legacy of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre

Nonfiction | Book | YA | Published in 2021

A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.

Themes

The Legacy of Racial Violence in Shaping American Cities and Communities

Content Warning: This section of the guide discusses racism and violence and includes mentions of sexual assault.

Racist violence has played an intense role in shaping American cities and communities. Colbert carefully traces the history of Black Americans in the United States. She explores the impact of slavery in the formation of Black communities and the continuation of the racist violence begun by the chattel slavery system. Black Americans were robbed of their human rights and freedom, viewed by white society as objects. Most enslaved persons during the height of slavery were kept on plantations and deprived of community outside of their immediate surroundings, subjected to cruel violence by enslavers and “slave patrols.”

Even after slavery was banned in the US, violence against Black people continued in the years after Reconstruction. Colbert writes, “Whatever the reason, violence and terrorism inflicted on Black Americans increased greatly in the years after Reconstruction—and no single organization was more responsible […] than the Ku Klux Klan” (53). The Reconstruction period offered some benefits for Black Americans, like the Freedmen’s Bureau that helped newly free Black Americans find economic opportunities and increased right to suffrage that allowed Black Americans to elect Black men to public office. However, at the end of Reconstruction, when the federal troops left the South and the Freedmen’s Bureau closed, violence once again began against Black Americans. This violence was designed to make Black Americans feel afraid and unwanted in white communities.

However, when Black people formed their own communities, white people found a way to destroy them. For example, in East St. Louis, Illinois, white mobs destroyed the Black community that was thriving as more Black Americans moved north for increased economic opportunity, an attack that was dubbed a “race riot.” Colbert also explores the notion of “race riots” and the targeted violence of white mobs against Black communities. “In actuality, race riots were often coordinated attacks against Black communities by white mobs who felt they needed to take justice into their own hands for perceived or fabricated offenses” (69). Angered that the Black people were “stealing” their jobs, the white people of East St. Louis murdered their Black neighbors and destroyed their houses and the community they had worked to build, pushing the Black Americans out of the city and away from increased economic opportunity.

Colbert connects this violence to fear: “Although the nearly forty race riots of 1919 occurred in different pockets of the country and involved different people, one thing unites them all: fear” (88). The fear of Black Americans motivated white mobs to enact violence against them and push them further and further out of their communities, also destroying Black communities when Black people formed their own spaces to attempt to exist without white repression and discrimination. This fear led to the violence that in Greenwood that Colbert analyzes and the destruction that she traces.

The Erasure and Recovery of Black Historical Narratives

The erasure of the Greenwood massacre and Colbert’s attempts to recover the historical narratives of the Black Americans who survived it are central to Black Birds in the Sky. Colbert reflects on the historical erasure of the facts, or even existence, of the Tulsa Race Massacre. Colbert’s historical analysis rests on a careful restoration of the truth of the event through the perspectives of the survivors and victims’ families.

Putting the pieces of the past together is challenging, especially as society worked tirelessly to bury the past. Colbert writes about Tulsa of the past:

It was still trying to establish itself in the United States, and a shameful event like the Greenwood massacre would only make people think that Tulsa was an unruly, violent, racist place to live. Political leaders and business owners didn’t want the story of the massacre hanging over them (169).

The history of Black Wall Street and its very existence, Colbert argues, were erased for the sake of white Tulsa’s reputation. White society was threatened by the perception of their past actions. The truth of Greenwood would damage their standing as a “civilized” city, so they worked tirelessly to bury that truth.

One example of this erasure is the lack of information about Greenwood in Oklahoma history curriculum. Colbert states, “Julian Hayter, a historian […], told NBC News that school curriculum ‘was never designed to be anything other than white supremacist, and it has been very difficult to convince people that other versions of history are not only worth telling’” (187). The point, Hayter argues, of history curriculum is to uphold the status quo and preserve the stories that the white majority wants to see preserved.

Colbert’s very book, then, challenges this precedent and pushes back against the normative ideals of what stories are worth recording and recovering. This is a challenge because, as she notes, “other than these few instances, the massacre largely remained lost to history” (172), the instances referring to the few and far between historical projects designed to research and rediscover the truth of Greenwood. Colbert situates her work, therefore, as the beginning of a greater and broader attempt to understand the impacts of the Tulsa Race Massacre on the survivors, their descendants, and the community as a whole while contextualizing the event within the broader scope of Black American history. In so doing, Colbert pushes back against the past erasures of Black historical narratives.

The Role of Systemic Racism in Economic Disparities

As Colbert details in the book, systemic racism played a significant role in the development of the economic disparities that made Greenwood such an anomaly in the United States in the 1920s. After the end of slavery, Black Americans struggled to find economic opportunity.

As Colbert illustrates, sharecropping was a common practice in the South after the abolition of the chattel slavery system. Both poor white people and poor Black people found themselves trapped in this unfair system. As Colbert notes, some poor white people

were so disillusioned that they began to associate with freed Black people; in reality, poor Southern white people often had more in common with Black Americans at the time than either of them did with the well-off white men who’d held the vast majority of political and economic power in the country since its inception (50).

Although some poor white people initially found common ground with Black Americans over their shared economic struggles, this soon shifted into fear and jealousy.

White people of all socioeconomic backgrounds soon felt that Black Americans did not deserve the same level of economic success as them. As Colbert notes: “Historians have identified a pattern in that the rioters would attack and loot the homes of successful Black people—business owners, real estate workers, and government employees” (79). In the riot in Springfield, Illinois, the white mob specifically targeted the houses of Black people who had made their own economic success in a community that sought to repress them. Racism, in this way, furthered economic disparities: If white society could not stop Black people from becoming successful (through sharecropping, lower wages, discrimination in the job market, etc.), they would harm and murder Black people when they found success. 

Tied to the socioeconomic basis for this violence, Colbert describes how material destruction is also consistent across all the racist violence against areas where successful Black Americans lived. Of the Springfield violence, Colbert writes: “Fire was used as a weapon, too; the structures the mob set ablaze amounted to nearly $375,000 worth of damages—the equivalent of several millions of dollars today—and destroyed the livelihood of the Black community” (75). Colbert foreshadows the fires that destroyed Greenwood in her description of the events in Illinois. Like in Greenwood, the violent white mob used fire to destroy the buildings in the Black community of Springfield, robbing countless families of their homes and successful business people of their ability to earn income. White people sought to create economic disparity between themselves and their Black neighbors, through either discriminatory measures or outright murderous violence. Through the examples of both Springfield and Tulsa, Colbert illustrates the devastating impact of racism on the economic standings of Black communities.

The Importance of Historical Memory in Addressing Racial Injustice

Colbert makes clear throughout the book the importance of historical memory in addressing racial injustice. Colbert often starts her chapters off with a quotation from a survivor of the massacre. Before Chapter 5, Colbert includes the following quotation from Tulsa Race Massacre survivor Johnnie L. Grayson Brown: “I was seven years old when the riot broke out. Some of the riot survivors my age remember a lot about the riot. But I just can’t remember much about it. I guess it was so horrible that my mind has just blotted it out” (118). Brown was old enough to survive the massacre in Tulsa, but he has no recollection of it. He does not remember the bullets, the bombs, the blood, the suffering of his neighbors, all things that he no doubt saw in his family’s struggle to survive. His lack of memory implies that the event was severely traumatic, particularly for a child to witness.

Other survivors remember the events of the day, like Dr. R. T. Bridgewater recalling the planes “shooting upon us” and Carrie Kinlaw remembering carrying her sick mother through the streets with “bullets falling on all sides” (141-42). These direct recollections of the violence, destruction, and inhumanity of the massacre demonstrate the depth of the injustice and the scale of the need for reparations. 

Colbert also describes the study that outlined suggested reparations 80 years after the massacre:

The Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 released a 178-page report in February 2001 that strongly recommended a series of reparations initiatives, including direct payment of reparations to survivors and descendants of the massacre, the creation of a scholarship fund for students affected by the massacre, the establishment of an economic development enterprise zone in the historic Greenwood District, and more (178-79).

Many believe that these reparations come too late, as many survivors of the massacre died. Yet, in the fight for reparations, the memory of the survivors is key to establishing the facts of the massacre. Without the testimonies of the survivors, much of the history would be lost to white supremacy’s attempts at erasure.

The stories of the survivors and what they remember allows not only groups to fight for justice and reparations, but also allows Colbert to construct this text. As she writes in the Foreword: “As I have learned, the fight to remember and acknowledge the shameful parts of our past is just as challenging as many other components of the battle for racial justice” (11), words that demonstrate the importance of the fight for justice in the genesis and creation of this text.

blurred text
blurred text
blurred text
blurred text
Unlock IconUnlock all 59 pages of this Study Guide

Plus, gain access to 9,150+ more expert-written Study Guides.

Including features:

+ Mobile App
+ Printable PDF
+ Literary AI Tools